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The P-Map in Harmonic Serialism
, 2009
"... According to the P-Map, a phonological mapping in → out is less faithful to the extent that there is more perceptual distance between in and out. Although this idea is attractive, it cannot be implemented in the standard parallel version of Optimality Theory. This note explains why and shows how a d ..."
Abstract
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According to the P-Map, a phonological mapping in → out is less faithful to the extent that there is more perceptual distance between in and out. Although this idea is attractive, it cannot be implemented in the standard parallel version of Optimality Theory. This note explains why and shows how a derivational version of OT, Harmonic Serialism, can solve this problem.
Class 16: Phonology-morphology interface, part II To do
"... • Chaha assignment (on last week’s material) due tomorrow; next assignment posted tomorrow • Next reading: Hayes 1989 (study questions due Tuesday) • Meet with me a second time about project by end of this week Overview: Last time we looked at a model of phonology-morphology interaction, Lexical Pho ..."
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• Chaha assignment (on last week’s material) due tomorrow; next assignment posted tomorrow • Next reading: Hayes 1989 (study questions due Tuesday) • Meet with me a second time about project by end of this week Overview: Last time we looked at a model of phonology-morphology interaction, Lexical Phonology and Morphology. Today we turn to conceptual issues for the phonology-morphology interface: What regulates morphological affiliation? How broad is the candidate set? 1 What regulates morphological affiliation in OT? Original idea (McCarthy & Prince 1993): “Consistency of Exponence. No changes in the exponence of a phonologically-specified morpheme [i.e., not RED] are permitted ” (p. 21) → epenthetic segments have no morphological affiliation (also, nothing can actually be deleted, only underparsed—this is the containment theory of faithfulness rather than the correspondence theory) 2 But how does reduplication really work? Problems some of you identified in your Samoan homeworks: • /REDaffix+alofa / → [alolofa]: 2 violations of MAX-BR (fa) or 3 (a,fa)? What counts as the base? • Does /REDaffix+alofa / → [alofa] violate AFFIX=SYLLABLE? How do we know whether the output contains an instance of the morpheme REDaffix? • Any other problems you remember... 3 A better theory: Walker & Feng 2004 • There’s an input-output correspondence relation between phonological entities (segments, autosegments, maybe moras...) • But there’s a second indexing for morpheme affiliation (I used superscripts)—imperfections in this indexing are regulate by constraint too Walker & Feng’s Zoque ex. (Mixe-Zoque from Mexico, nearly extinct; data orig. Wonderly 1) input morph. must have output corr. morph a b N 1 + s 2 ɨ b 3 k b

