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this paper. Towards that end, comments are welcome. 1 (1) S

Romance causative constructions, and French causatives in particular, have well-known properties which set them apart from other kinds of infinitival complementation. Their most distinctive property perhaps is the fact that pronominal clitics interpreted as semantic arguments of the infinitival verbal complement appear attached to the causative verb. This phenomenon is illustrated in (1b); le, the cliticized counterpart of the NP Proust in (1a) and the semantic argument of lire, obligatorily occurs attached to the causative verb.

this paper is to propose a mechanism which is able to give a unitary account of this class of verbs. The analysis will focus mainly on the first two properties and will be carried out within the framework of Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG) (Pollard & Sag 1987, Pollard & Sag 1993). Given the nonlocal character of clitic climbing and long NP-Movement, it seems appropriate to propose an approach in terms of nonlocal features and the Nonlocal Feature Principle, which is the mechanism used within HPSG to deal with long distance dependencies. It will be shown that this mechanism doesn't account for clitic climbing in an adequate way; it doesn't naturally capture the fact that only a specific class of verbs trigger it. Furthermore it doesn't account for long NP-Movement in an elegant way. An alternative analysis in terms of argument composition will be adopted; it is based on the idea that the arguments of a verb governed by a restructuring verb can be raised to become arguments of the governor. The effect achieved is similar to a lexical analysis of functional composition as developed within the tradition of Categorial Grammar. This approach is able to give a unified account of clitic climbing and long NP-Movement and it can be easily extended to handle similar phenomena in other languages. The structure of the paper is as follows. Section 2 introduces the basic facts about restructuring verbs in Italian. Section 3 gives an outline of the middle si

Introduction Italian object clitics can be involved in nonlocal dependencies in the sense that they must/may appear on a verbal head of which they are not an argument. Two cases where this situation arises will be discussed: the first is due to the presence of an auxiliary verb and the second is triggered by the presence of a certain class of verbs that allows clitic climbing. An analysis will be proposed within the framework of Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar [ Pollard and Sag, 1987; Pollard and Sag, 1993 ] ; it can be shown that an analysis in terms of nonlocal features and the Nonlocal Feature Principle, which is the mechanism provided by HPSG to deal with nonlocal dependencies, does not provide a satisfactory account of the phenomenon; it is too powerful. An alternative approach will be proposed; it is based on the idea that the arguments of a verb which is governed by an auxiliary or clitic climbing trigger verb can be raised to become arguments of the governor by a

this paper I discuss how restructuring constructions can be handled in the framework of Tree Adjoining Grammar (TAG), a system of generalized transformations used to compose phrase structure. There is no inter-clausal movement in TAG, since all such apparent movement is instead the result of local movement, with the adjoining operation used to separate components of a tree. As a consequence, some analyses for restructuring proposed in other analyses, such as cyclic head movement for clitic climbing, cannot be stated in TAG. Also, an attractive property of TAG is that the nature of the formalism itself does a large part of the job of the enforcement of locality constraints, such as subjacency. It therefore becomes an interesting question as to how an analysis of these restructuring non-local dependencies can be handled within TAG. The structure of the paper is as follows: Section 1 discusses the data on restructuring in Romance, section 2 gives an overview of TAG, section 3 discusses a TAG analysis of restructuring, and section 4 contains some concluding remarks. 1. Restructuring in Romance

This thesis is a qualitative and quantitative study of the changes that occurred in the phrase structure and system of pronominal clitics in medieval and renaissance Spanish, with the goal of explaining the basic differences between the syntactic properties of clitics in Old Spanish and their counterparts in the various dialects of modern Spanish. Specifically, I argue that these differences are explainable if we classify OSp clitics as Second Position (2P) clitics, in contrast to their modern counterparts. 2P clitics are treated here as prosodically deficient phrasal constituents that appear displaced from their canonical positions as internal arguments of the verb and are adjoined to a phrasal projection at the left edge of the clause (IP). The elements encompassed under the pre-theoretical notion clitic in modern Spanish, however, are not linked to an argument ...

Intensionality phenomena are known to show a strong correlation with syntax. In simple transitive constructions intensionality effects are standardly absent. Substitution of co-referring object NPs preserves truth (1a,b) 1; furthermore, the presence of a nonreferring or nondenoting object yields a false sentence (1c): (1) a. Max met [ DP Boris Karloff]. b. Max met [ DP Bill Pratt]. c. Max met [ DP a unicorn]. By contrast, intensionality manifests itself with all clausal complement constructions. Substitution of coreferring terms in the complement needn’t preserve truth (2a,b); and the presence of a nonreferring or nondenoting term needn’t induce falsity (2c): 2 (2) a. Max imagined [ CP that [ DP Boris Karloff] was approaching]] b. Max imagined [ CP that [ DP Bill Pratt] was approaching]] c. Max imagined [ CP that [ DP a unicorn] was approaching]] Although pervasive, the correlation between syntax and semantics found in (1)- (2) seems to be violated by a small class of verbs showing the surface grammar of transitives but the semantic behavior of

This thesis proposes new analyses of English missing object constructions (mocs) (e.g. the tough construction, purpose infinitives, etc.) and parasitic gap formation. These analyses are formulated in the framework of Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (hpsg). hpsg divides unbounded dependency constructions (udcs) into two classes depending on whether the filler is in argument or non-argument position. mocs have argument fillers and are classified as weak udcs. The evidence that motivates the weak udc analysis is re-evaluated and it is claimed that, in fact, mocs are not udcs. It is proposed that a lexical rule promotes missing objects from the comps to the subj list in much the same way as passive promotes objects. In contrast to passive, the original subject is not demoted and missing object vps have two elements in subj, both available to be controlled. Raising and Equi signs are modified to permit them to inherit second subj members from their complements: in this way the appare...

this paper is based on analyses proposed in Sag & Godard 1993, Abeill'e & Godard 1994, Miller & Sag 1994, and Abeill'e, Godard & Miller 1994. It is part of a larger project aiming at an extensive phrase structure characterization of French syntax (Abeill'e, Godard, Miller, & Sag in prep.), where we also deal with other cases of bounded dependencies, e.g. quantifier floating and position of negation. 1 Tough-Constructions and Infinitival