We examine how tactical innovations introduced by transgressive protesters during the Seattle cycle of protests contributed to the end of a long, relatively stable period of détente between police and protesters in the United States. Case studies of the demonstrations staged by the AFL-CIO and the Direct Action Network (DAN) during the 1999 WTO protests are used to reveal the divergent capacity of the negotiated management style of policing protest to control contained and transgressive protesters. We argue that the transgressive protesters ’ tactics, organizational structure, and decision-making processes all frustrated police attempts to control their demonstrations and contributed to DAN’s ability to shut down the opening day of the WTO. We conclude by developing a framework for understanding how police responded in subsequent protests using what we describe as “strategic incapacitation ” and by proposing research questions about the impact of this style of policing on subsequent protests in the U.S. and other Western democracies. [W]e had lots of discussion with the county execs and the council members, and the mayor, and the city council, you know, the governor’s office…the police, all the security folks.... We didn’t want to blindside anyone. We wanted to let them know that we had a problem... not with trade, but with the trading system, the rules of the system and that the WTO was... going to be the catalyst for lots of discussion, debate, and actions. And that we were planning something large

Civil society participation in global environmental and other arenas of transna-tional politics, particularly in open international institutions such as the UNFCCC at COP-15, involves both insider and outsider coalitions and strate-gies.1 Insider strategies seek to inºuence government ofªcials directly through lobbying. Outsider strategies use demonstrations, media and other activism to put public pressure on government ofªcials.2 As a civil society representative at Copenhagen COP-15, I offer an alternative interpretation of the major causes of disenfranchisement to Fisher’s.3 According to Fisher, “the addition of the cli-mate justice movement to the repertoire of action at this round of negotiations ended up leaving civil society out in the cold.”4 Fisher claims that three forces led to the disenfranchisement of civil soci-ety at COP-15: increased registration, poor planning and “the merging of move-ments.”5 While poor planning was clearly an issue, this paper demonstrates that the other forces of increased registration and what Fisher calls the “merging of movements ” contributed to more effective participation and inºuence by civil society, particularly environmental and climate justice groups. Civil society groups did not contribute to the development of the Copenhagen Accord; many supported the disenfranchised countries that rejected the Accord as inadequate and undemocratic.

While literature examining the significance of age and generation in transnational social movements continues to grow, few studies focus specifically on young women and their involvement with global feminism. Making the empirical observation that “young women‟s ” transnational feminist networks have emerged and gained more visibility in the last decade, this dissertation investigates their existence, asking why young women identifying as part of a “transnational feminist class ” form youth-only networks rather than joining – or maintaining membership within – existing and established networks. Data was collected from five young women‟s transnational feminist networks using qualitative methods, including semi-structured interview, participant observation and triangulated digital writing analysis. Analysis of this data yielded several findings. First, young women are likely to form “youth-only ” feminist networks in three circumstances: 1) when they feel under- and misrepresented within the discursive and political forums of global feminism; 2) when they feel the education they need to further their goals and establish their identities as activists is inadequate; and 3) when they find generation gaps create perceived irreconcilable “differences ” of tactical and organizational preference

As the title of this special issue of Mobilization suggests, ―Seattle ‖ has become a rich signifier that embodies not merely a place but also a time, a series of historic events, and a moment of significant social change. The demonstrations targeting the World Trade Organization (WTO) Ministerial Conference in Seattle were a coming out party for the global justice movement in the United States. When direct action demonstrations engineered by the transgressive wing of the movement forced the WTO to cancel the opening day of the meetings and the Seattle police responded with a barrage of less-lethal weapons in an effort to retake control of the downtown streets, a new cycle of contentious politics had found its emblematic moment. For those who study social movements and the police response to them, it was the moment in which ―street politics again became visible ‖ in the U.S. after a quarter century of relative peace between mass demonstrators, their targets and the state (della Porta, Peterson, and Reiter 2006: 1). Like many such moments, however, the meaning of Seattle—and the groups, events, and actions that it symbolizes—is a matter of perspective. Watching the WTO protests unfold, many political activists believed they were witnessing the ―flowering of a new radical movement ‖ (Cockburn, Sekula, and St. Clair, 2000:1). Over the next two years, during which mass demonstrations were staged in numerous North American (Washington, DC, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, Ottawa, Quebec City)

The CSPS-WP series welcomes reports of ongoing research or well-researched articles that raise questions about the way the world is politically, economically, and socially organized. It presents theoretically-informed analyses of social and political processes. It presents ar-ticles by authors working at the frontiers of social and political sciences, providing a forum for an international community of scholars. The coverage ranges across a broad landscape, from history to contemporary affairs, from treatments of individuals to nations to world culture, from discussions of theory to methodological critique, from First World to Third World. The effort is to bring together theory, criticism and concrete comparative observa-tion. The CSPS-WP series is willing to consider also papers of substantial length (up to 70-80 pages) by filling the gap between quarterly publications and monographs. It is a peer-reviewed international series. All submitted papers are then subjected to a double blind peer-review process. The CSPS-WP series is published on behalf of the Center of Studies on Politics and Society (CSPS) of the University of Salento. The Center pays attention to contemporary political

This dissertation explores in detail the case of one transnational advocacy network (TAN). The purpose of the case study is twofold: firstly to propose a new category of advocacy network, which I term ‘romantic ’ and contrast this category with other kinds of activist/advocacy network, and secondly to contribute to the broader literature on TANs and critically assess the hopes some have had for bottom up transnational mobilization. The dissertation argues that a type of activist network has developed, across various issues areas and various locations that is neither a bottom up movement of the dispossessed and marginalized nor a facilitator of the smooth functioning of global governance. Rather, what is seen in these ‘romantic activist networks ’ is the growth of a transnationally oriented elite of professional activists, bound together, firstly by the imperatives of organizational growth through linkages with global media and donor groups, and secondly, by a ‘world view ’ that can broadly be characterized as ‘romantic’, that is a world view that emphasizes threats to an imagined harmonious community, outside of modern institutions, markets and technologies. The dissertation takes the anti GMO network in India as exemplary of transnational romanticism, showing how domestic activists have forged linkages with global media and elite organizations around a narrative that emphasizes romantic themes about rural India and excludes

multidisciplinary research on globalization. The Center comprises more than 100 associated faculty members whose collective expertise spans the full range of disciplines. The Center sponsors CGS Working Groups, publishes the Global Studies Review, and conducts research on a broad range of themes. WEB: cgs.gmu.edu