Abstract not found

Over the course of the first year of life, infants develop from being generalized listeners, capable of discriminating both native and non-native speech contrasts, into specialized listeners whose discrimination patterns closely reflect the phonetic system of the native language(s). Recent work by Maye, Werker and Gerken (2002) has proposed a statistical account for this phenomenon, showing that infants may lose the ability to discriminate some foreign language contrasts on the basis of their sensitivity to the statistical distribution of sounds in the input language. In this paper we examine the process of enhancement in infant speech perception, whereby initially difficult phonetic contrasts become better discriminated when they define two categories that serve a functional role in the native language. In particular, we demonstrate that exposure to a bimodal statistical distribution in 8-month-old infants ’ phonetic input can lead to increased discrimination of difficult contrasts. In addition, this exposure also facilitates discrimination of an unfamiliar contrast sharing the same phonetic feature as the contrast presented during familiarization, suggesting that infants extract acoustic/phonetic information that is invariant across an abstract featural representation.

Abstract not found

The present study investigated the perception and production of English /w / and /v / by native speakers of Sinhala, German, and Dutch, with the aim of examining how their native language phonetic processing affected the acquisition of these phonemes. Subjects performed a battery of tests that assessed their identification accuracy for natural recordings, their degree of spoken accent, their relative use of place and manner cues, the assimilation of these phonemes into native-language categories, and their perceptual maps (i.e., multidimensional scaling solutions) for these phonemes. Most Sinhala speakers had near-chance identification accuracy, Germans ranged from chance to 100 % correct, and Dutch speakers had uniformly high accuracy. The results suggest that these learning differences were caused more by perceptual interference than by category assimilation; Sinhala and German speakers both have a single native-language phoneme that is similar to English /w / and /v/, but the auditory sensitivities of Sinhala speakers make it harder for them to discern the acoustic cues that are critical to /w/-/v / categorization.

Recently, speech researchers have begun to examine the formation of speech sound (phonetic) categories and to analyze the internal structure of the consequent categories. One of the most prominent products of this subfield has been the Perceptual Magnet Effect (PME) and the attendant Native Language Magnet (NLM) theory of Kuhl (1991, 2000). In the present paper, a critical review of the evidence for NLM is offered. Because of concerns about the nature of the stimuli, possible confounds inherent in the empirical procedures and failed replications, it is concluded that there is little positive evidence supporting NLM. However, the goal of uncovering the structures of phonetic categories and mechanisms responsible for those structures remains central to an understanding of language acquisition and speech perception more generally. Data from several empirical paradigms investigating the formation and structure of complex auditory categories are beginning to form a coherent picture of phonetic category acquisition.

Language www.elsevier.com/locate/jml Lexical competition in non-native spoken-word recognition

Cross-language perception provides insight into the use of perceptual cues to native segments and their application to segments in a different language. In the present study we test the perception of the three Dutch labiodentals /f, v, ʋ / by listeners of German, English, Croatian and Polish in a forced-choice identification task. We test whether the perceptual boundaries on the auditory dimensions of harmonics-to-noise ratio and duration are more similar for listeners from the same language family (German and English versus Croatian and Polish) or whether these boundaries are more similar for listeners with the same number of labial categories in their native languages (German and Croatian with four labials versus English and Polish with five). Our findings show that the same number of labial categories results in similar perceptual boundaries along the two auditory dimensions, and that language family does not influence the location of the boundaries.

This dissertation investigates the phenomenon of language-specificity in the auditory perception of Chinese tones. Chinese and American English (AE) listeners participated in a series of perception experiments, which involved short ISIs (300ms in Experiment 1 and 100ms elsewhere) and an AX discrimination (limited set in Experiments 2 and 3, speeded response in Experiments BJ, RG and YT) or AX degreeof-difference rating (Experiment 4) task. All experiments used natural speech monosyllabic tone stimuli, except Experiment 2, which used sinewave simulations of Putonghua (Beijing Mandarin) tones. AE listeners showed psychoacoustic listening in all experiments, paying much attention to onset and offset pitch. Chinese listeners showed language-specific patterns in all experiments to various degrees. The most robust language-specific effects of Putonghua were found in Experiments 1, 3 and 4, where the T214 (as well as T35) neutralization rule shortened the perceptual distance between T35 and T214 (or that between T55 and T35) for Chinese listeners. Cross-dialectal as well as age differences were observed among Chinese listeners in Experiments BJ, RG and YT