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Extractive Economies and Conflicts in the Global South: Re-engaging Rentier Theory and Politics
- Extractive Economies and Conflicts in the Global South: Multi-Regional Perspectives on Rentier Politics: Ashgate, UK
, 2008
"... This book primarily explores the anatomy of rentier politics in extractive economies and how the phenomenon relates to conflict processes – conflict formation, aggravation, prosecution, and escalation, as well as opportunities for resolution or transformation – in the global South. The global South ..."
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This book primarily explores the anatomy of rentier politics in extractive economies and how the phenomenon relates to conflict processes – conflict formation, aggravation, prosecution, and escalation, as well as opportunities for resolution or transformation – in the global South. The global South comprises the post-colonial and predominantly poor countries of Africa, Caribbean-Pacific, Latin America and Asia – countries that despite their abundant natural resource endowments are associated with the greatest political and developmental setbacks and challenges in modern history: dictatorships and instability, weak institutional structures, corruption and misgovernance, human rights deficits, hunger and starvation, environmental degradation, refugeeism and forced migration, widespread disease including HIV/AIDS pandemic, as well as high and low intensity conflicts. It is noteworthy that the regions described in this volume as the global South is often depicted with such others terms as Third World, transitional societies, developing countries, less developed countries, underdeveloped countries, and so forth. Some of these terms, in particular, ‘Third World ’ and ‘underdeveloped countries’, have a marked derogatory or pejorative slant. The concept of global South is often used in contradistinction with the global North or developed and industrialized countries, which is not strictly a geographical category but a political economy characterization. Paradoxically, many extractive economies of the global South are amongst the world’s poorest and low-income countries, perennially beset with significant challenges in meeting their development objectives, including the United Nations General Assembly’s Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and the Human Development Index (HDI). A number of recent studies have analyzed the paradox of poverty and wars amidst bountiful natural resource endowment – ‘the resource curse ’ – that has blighted many developing countries (see Auty, 1993). Different theories, with varied explanatory powers and contextual relevance, have also tried
Crude Politics: Life and Death on the Nigerian Oil Fields
"... The secret of great wealth with no obvious source is some forgotten crime, forgotten because it was done neatly. —Honoré de Balzac, Father Goriot (1834) It has been a long, hot and violent summer in the Niger delta. The oil-producing region in the south-east of Nigeria, Africa’s most populous and ar ..."
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The secret of great wealth with no obvious source is some forgotten crime, forgotten because it was done neatly. —Honoré de Balzac, Father Goriot (1834) It has been a long, hot and violent summer in the Niger delta. The oil-producing region in the south-east of Nigeria, Africa’s most populous and arguably most important country, is ablaze, and for the most part ungovernable. Beginning in the late 1990’s, the cosy relationship between Big Oil and a despotic Nigerian state was challenged by popular, and increasingly militant, pressure from oil communities, or more properly from armed youth movements. The shift from non-violent protest to militancy, and ultimately to armed struggle, was in many respects the inevitable result of the Nigerian government’s brutal repression of the Ogoni movement and the murder of its influential and charismatic leader Ken Saro-Wiwa in November 1995 (Douglas and Okonta 2003). Popular challenges to the so-called ‘slick alliance ’ between international oil companies (who operated with total impugnity) and the Nigerian state, or more properly a
DECLARATION
, 2012
"... I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this dissertation is my own work and has not been submitted previously in its entirety or in part to any University for a degree. ..."
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I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this dissertation is my own work and has not been submitted previously in its entirety or in part to any University for a degree.
SUBMITTED IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTERS BY RESEARCH FOR BACHELOR OF ARTS IN THE SUBJECT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AT THE
, 2014
"... I __________________________ _ (Student number: _________________) am a student registered for ___________________________________ _ in the year ____________. I hereby declare the following: I am aware that plagiarism (the use of someone else’s work without their permission and/or without acknowled ..."
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I __________________________ _ (Student number: _________________) am a student registered for ___________________________________ _ in the year ____________. I hereby declare the following: I am aware that plagiarism (the use of someone else’s work without their permission and/or without acknowledging the original source) is wrong. I confirm that the work submitted for assessment is my own unaided work except where I have explicitly indicated otherwise. I have followed the required conventions in referencing the thoughts and ideas of others. I understand that the University of the Witwatersrand may take disciplinary action against me if there is a belief that this is not my own unaided work or that I have failed to
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"... Since the onset of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in the early 1980s, scholars have attempted to understand the fast spread of this epidemic in parts of Africa. Several theoretical approaches to explaining the prevalence of HIV/AIDS have been advance since then. This dissertation uses a number of these theor ..."
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Since the onset of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in the early 1980s, scholars have attempted to understand the fast spread of this epidemic in parts of Africa. Several theoretical approaches to explaining the prevalence of HIV/AIDS have been advance since then. This dissertation uses a number of these theoretical perspectives to explain the prevalence of HIV/AIDS at the national and local levels in Nigeria. Among the theoretical perspectives deployed in this research are the political economy approach, the gender relations context, and the role of certain cultural practices in the proliferation of HIV/AIDS in Nigeria. The study advances two central objectives. The first objective is to use a geographic approach to understand the spatial variation of HIV/AIDS at the national level. This objective sets out to examine the spatial landscape of this epidemic in order to identify regions of high prevalence versus those of low prevalence. The second objective of the study explores the factors that put people at risk of contracting HIV at the community levels using two carefully selected study sites, namely, Benin City and Makurdi. In trying to understand the spatial variation of the HIV/AIDS rates at the national level, the study uses geospatial analytical methods which include Moran’s I, and Getis & Ord’s Gi* statistic. These methods help to establish the presence or absence of clustering in terms of high or low levels of HIV/AIDS rates at the national level. For the micro level cases, the study of Benin City and Makurdi, using structured questionnaires and focus group discussions enabled an assessment of the understanding of risk factors by the residents. As such, this dissertation
VARIETIES OF RESOURCE NATIONALISM IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA’S ENERGY AND MINERALS MARKETS*
, 2015
"... This article examines resource nationalism in sub-Saharan Africa’s energy and minerals markets. It does so by exploring economic and political developments in three cases: Nigeria as an example of a petro-state established by means of expropriation in the wake of decolonisation; South Africa, a matu ..."
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This article examines resource nationalism in sub-Saharan Africa’s energy and minerals markets. It does so by exploring economic and political developments in three cases: Nigeria as an example of a petro-state established by means of expropriation in the wake of decolonisation; South Africa, a mature mining industry shaped by its settler colonial history; and Mozambique, a new and therefore highly-dependent entrant into the league of significant natural gas producers. Extractive industries have played a controversial role in sub-Saharan Africa due in particular to the prevalence of the resource curse. Nevertheless, energy exports will continue to play an important role in fuelling economic growth and, potentially, also development as new deposits of natural gas and oil are discovered across the region. Resource nationalism has, moreover, increasingly constrained operations of the traditionally dominant Western energy companies, in particular as competition from state-owned energy companies in sub-Saharan Africa and from emerging powers such as China is increasing.
Oil, Youths, and Civil Unrest in Nigeria’s Delta The Role of Schooling, Educational Attainments,
"... This article examines youths ’ willingness to participate in three different forms of unrest (peaceful protests, low-level violence and oil-related crime, and militarized struggle) in the oil-rich Delta region of Nigeria, focusing among other factors on the role of schooling, educational attainments ..."
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This article examines youths ’ willingness to participate in three different forms of unrest (peaceful protests, low-level violence and oil-related crime, and militarized struggle) in the oil-rich Delta region of Nigeria, focusing among other factors on the role of schooling, educational attainments, earnings, and unemployment, and using data from over 1,300 respondents. It discusses what level of education matters the most for each outcome, the influence of higher formal education on willingness to participate by the unemployed, and the effect of marginal increases in income on the disposition of the employed towards participation. The results are compared across various sample specifications.
Oil, Development, and the Politics
"... The secret of great wealth with no obvious source is some forgotten crime, forgotten because it was done neatly. Honoré de Balzac [R]egions at the epicenter of oil production are torn apart by repeated conflicts. Achille Mbembe (2001) The Economist of 4 August 2007 called it a “slip of a book ” and ..."
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The secret of great wealth with no obvious source is some forgotten crime, forgotten because it was done neatly. Honoré de Balzac [R]egions at the epicenter of oil production are torn apart by repeated conflicts. Achille Mbembe (2001) The Economist of 4 August 2007 called it a “slip of a book ” and “set to become a classic. ” Paul Collier’s The Bottom Billion argues that most of the bottom billion, the world’s chronically poor, live in 58 countries (almost three quarters of which are African) distinguished by their lack of economic growth and the prevalence of civil conflict. Most are caught in a quartet of “traps, ” two of which (in Collier’s account they are deeply related) concern me here: the civil war trap (the aver-age cost of a typical civil war is about $64 billion) in which 73 % of the poor have been caught at one time or another; and a natural-resource
Dimensionalising Cultural Implications of The Multinationals in the Niger Delta: A Consequentialist Approach for Resistance
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AN ASSESSMENT OF ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS ASSOCIATED WITH OIL POLLUTION AND GAS FLARING IN THE NIGER DELTA REGION NIGERIA, C.1960s-2000
"... ABSTRACT This paper explores the impact of oil production by oil corporations on the Niger ..."
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ABSTRACT This paper explores the impact of oil production by oil corporations on the Niger