This paper proposes a new theory of the relationship between the sentence processing mechanism and the available computational resources. This theory -- the Syntactic Prediction Locality Theory (SPLT) -- has two components: an integration cost component and a component for the memory cost associated with keeping track of obligatory syntactic requirements. Memory cost is

The problems of access -- retrieving linguistic structure from some mental grammar -- and disambiguation -- choosing among these structures to correctly parse ambiguous linguistic input -- are fundamental to language understanding. The literature abounds with psychological results on lexical access, the access of idioms, syntactic rule access, parsing preferences, syntactic disambiguation, and the processing of garden-path sentences. Unfortunately, it has been difficult to combine models which account for these results to build a general, uniform model of access and disambiguation at the lexical, idiomatic, and syntactic levels. For example psycholinguistic theories of lexical access and idiom access and parsing theories of syntactic rule access have almost no commonality in methodology or coverage of psycholinguistic data. This paper presents a single probabilistic algorithm which models both the access and disambiguation of linguistic knowledge. The algorithm is based on a parallel parser which ranks constructions for access, and interpretations for disambiguation, by their conditional probability. Low-ranked constructions and interpretations are pruned through beam-search; this pruning accounts, among other things, for the garden-path effect. I show that this motivated probabilistic treatment accounts for a wide variety of psycholinguistic results, arguing for a more uniform representation of linguistic knowledge and for the use of probabilisticallyenriched grammars and interpreters as models of human knowledge of and processing of language.

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Human language processing relies on many kinds of linguistic knowledge, and is sensitive to their frequency, including lexical

Two striking contrasts currently exist in the sentence processing literature. First, whereas adult readers rely heavily on lexical information in the generation of syntactic alternatives, adult listeners in world-situated eye-gaze studies appear to allow referential evidence to override strong countervailing lexical biases (Tanenhaus, Spivey-Knowlton, Eberhard, & Sedivy, 1995). Second, in contrast to adults, children in similar listening studies fail to use this referential information and appear to rely exclusively on verb biases or perhaps syntactically based parsing principles (Trueswell, Sekerina, Hill, & Logrip, 1999). We explore these contrasts by fully crossing verb bias and referential manipulations in a study using the eye-gaze listening technique with adults (Experiment 1) and Wve-year-olds (Experiment 2). Results indicate that adults combine lexical and referential information to determine syntactic choice. Children rely A portion of this work was presented in proceedings to the 23rd Annual Conference of the Cognitive Science Society. The ideas in this paper owe much to our conversations with Lila Gleitman and to the comments of the many audiences who heard preliminary reports of this research. We thank Kirsten Thorpe for her assistance with testing, coding, and participant recruitment and Sylvia Yuan for her assistance in data analysis. We also gratefully acknowledge Tracy Dardick who carried out the norming studies and Jared Novick and David January who assisted in comparisons between head-mounted eye-tracking and our procedure. This work was supported by NIH Grant 1-R01-HD37507 to the second author and a National Science Foundation Science and Technology grant to the Institute for Research in Cognitive Science at the University of Pennsylvania (NSF-STC Coo...

In recent work on sentence processing, lexical frequencies have been proposed as a primary mechanism for syntactic and lexical disambiguation. In this paper, we instead focus on the consequences that the structural configuration of lexical knowledge has for the time-course of parsing. We concentrate on reduced relative clauses and propose a new lexical-structural analysis for those verbs that are difficult in this construction, manner of motion verbs. The interaction between the proposed lexical structure and the competitive attachment parser (Stevenson, 1994b) explains the persistent difficulty of this construction with a manner of motion verb, even in disambiguating contexts (for example, a reduced relative in object position) or with non-ambiguous past participle verb forms. Weighted influences on the activation competition are possible with other verbs, and the model can therefore also explain data that demonstrate contextual effects on reduced relatives with simple transitives. Co...

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The results of two self-paced reading studies of a syntactic ambiguity involving conjoined noun phrases to three potential noun phrase sites were compared to the corpus frequencies of the resolutions of the same ambiguity. The reading times for the attachment to the first noun phrase were faster than for the attachment to the second noun phrase, but, to the extent that any differences were observed in the corpus frequencies, attachments to the second noun phrase were more frequent. We therefore argue that the sentence comprehension mechanism is not using corpus frequencies in arriving at its preference in this ambiguity, and hence the decision principles of sentence comprehension and sentence production must be partially distinct. It is proposed that there is a factor operative in sentence comprehension that is not operative in sentence production, and this factor favors attachment to the first noun phrase. © 1999 Academic Press According to an influential proposal by Don Mitchell, Fernando Cuetos, and their colleagues, initial parsing preferences in syntactically ambiguous structures are determined by people’s exposure to similar structures in the

A prevalent trend in modeling human sentence processing has been to account for both initial attachment preferences and reanalysis behaviors with minimal extensions to a presumed set of initial parsing operations. Here, an entirely different formulation of the initial attachment and revision processes is suggested. Rather than assuming that all parsing is (as much as possible) initial attachment, the opposite approach is advocated: that all parsing---even initial attachment---is restructuring. The realization of parsing as restructuring arises from a set of independently motivated computational assumptions within the competitive attachment architecture, a hybrid connectionist model of the human sentence processor. Central to the model is a unique parallel attachment operation that simultaneously attaches the current input phrase, while reattaching previously structured phrases. Within this model, reanalysis is not a separate process or module, but rather a side effect of the primary means of forming syntactic structures. The ease of performing possible reanalyses is therefore determined by the same conditions, such as recency and lexical preferences, that affect initial attachments. Furthermore, independently motivated constraints on the network structure determine the allowable syntactic configurations that may undergo restructuring within the competitive attachment operation. The model thus also provides a computational explanation of gardenpath sentences, in which automatic reanalysis is impossible.