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74
FRAGMENTS AND ELLIPSIS
, 2004
"... Fragmentary utterances such as ‘short ’ answers and subsentential XPs without linguistic antecedents are proposed to have fully sentential syntactic structures, subject to ellipsis. Ellipsis in these cases is preceded by A′-movement of the fragment to a clause-peripheral position; the combination of ..."
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Cited by 93 (10 self)
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Fragmentary utterances such as ‘short ’ answers and subsentential XPs without linguistic antecedents are proposed to have fully sentential syntactic structures, subject to ellipsis. Ellipsis in these cases is preceded by A′-movement of the fragment to a clause-peripheral position; the combination of movement and ellipsis accounts for a wide range of connectivity and anti-connectivity effects in these structures. Fragment answers furthermore shed light on the nature of islands, and contrast with sluicing in triggering island effects; this is shown to follow from an articulated syntax and the PF theory of islands. Fragments without linguistic antecedents are argued to be compatible with an ellipsis analysis, and do not support direct interpretation approaches to these phenomena.
A Semantics of Contrast and Information Structure for Specifying Intonation in Spoken Language Generation
, 1996
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What VP Ellipsis Can Do, and What it Cant, but not Why
, 1997
"... auxiliaries/have,/be/and/do/in/(5). (5) a. Jos#/Ybarra-Jaegger/likes/rutabagas,/and/Holly/does/s/too. b. Jos#/Ybarra-Jaegger/ate/rutabagas,/and/Holly/has/s/too. Jos#/Ybarra-Jaegger/should/have/eaten/rutabagas,/and/Holly/should/have/s/too. c. Jos#/Ybarra-Jaegger/is/eating/rutabagas,/and/Holly/is/s/t ..."
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Cited by 64 (1 self)
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auxiliaries/have,/be/and/do/in/(5). (5) a. Jos#/Ybarra-Jaegger/likes/rutabagas,/and/Holly/does/s/too. b. Jos#/Ybarra-Jaegger/ate/rutabagas,/and/Holly/has/s/too. Jos#/Ybarra-Jaegger/should/have/eaten/rutabagas,/and/Holly/should/have/s/too. c. Jos#/Ybarra-Jaegger/is/eating/rutabagas,/and/Holly/is/s/too. Jos#/Ybarra-Jaegger/has/been/eating/rutabagas,/and/Holly/has/been/s/too. d. Mag/Wildwood/wants/to/read/Fred#s/story,/and/I/also/want/to/s. Lobeck/(1995,/p./155ff)/and/Potsdam/(1996b)/argue/that/the/sentential/negator,/not,/also licenses/an/ellipsis,/as/indicated/by/(6),/and/so/might/be/considered/a/member/of/Aux/too. 1 WHAT/VP/ELLIPSIS/CAN/DO,/AND/WHAT/IT/CAN#T,/BUT/NOT/WHY 2<F12.3
Ellipsis and the Structure of Discourse
, 2002
"... It is generally assumed that ellipsis requires certain parallelism between the clause containing the ellips is and some antecedent clause. We argue that the parallelism requirement generated by ellipsis must be applied in accordance with discourse structure: a matching antecedent clause must be f ..."
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Cited by 18 (0 self)
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It is generally assumed that ellipsis requires certain parallelism between the clause containing the ellips is and some antecedent clause. We argue that the parallelism requirement generated by ellipsis must be applied in accordance with discourse structure: a matching antecedent clause must be found that locally c-commands the clause containing the ellipsis in the discourse tree. We show that the claim makes several correct predictions concerning the interpretation of ellipsis, both in terms of the selection of the antecedent (in Sluicing and Verb Phrase Ellipsis), and in terms of the possible readings given a particular antecedent (in the "many-clause" puzzle and in Antecedent-Contained Deletion).
Activity labeling in process modeling: Empirical insights and recommendations
- INFORMATION SYSTEMS
, 2010
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Voice and Ellipsis
"... passive VPs being elided under apparent identity with active anteced-ent VPs, and vice versa. Such voice mismatches are not allowed in any other kind of ellipsis, such as sluicing and other clausal ellipses. These latter facts appear to indicate that the identity relation in ellipsis is sensitive to ..."
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Cited by 11 (1 self)
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passive VPs being elided under apparent identity with active anteced-ent VPs, and vice versa. Such voice mismatches are not allowed in any other kind of ellipsis, such as sluicing and other clausal ellipses. These latter facts appear to indicate that the identity relation in ellipsis is sensitive to syntactic form, not merely to semantic form. The VP-ellipsis facts fall into place if the head that determines voice is external to the phrase being elided, here argued to be vP; such an account can only be framed in approaches that allow syntactic features to be separated from the heads on which they are morphologically realized. Alternatives to this syntactic, articulated view of ellipsis and voice either undergenerate or overgenerate.
Move is Remerge
- Language and Linguistics
, 2004
"... In this paper I discuss a basic theoretical question: Does movement contain a step of copying? Since Chomsky (1993), Copy as an operation to derive displacement effects has been introduced into the syntactic theory. In contrast, it is also claimed that displacement effects are achieved by the operat ..."
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Cited by 8 (0 self)
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In this paper I discuss a basic theoretical question: Does movement contain a step of copying? Since Chomsky (1993), Copy as an operation to derive displacement effects has been introduced into the syntactic theory. In contrast, it is also claimed that displacement effects are achieved by the operation Remerge, without any copy operation (Epstein et al. 1998, among others). I present some problems of the Copy Theory of movement: the problematic motivation and implementation of the assumed PF-deletion; a paradox with respect to the locality of feature-checking; and a problem in theta-role receptivity. I argue that overt movement is simply remerger of a given term, rather than copying of any element. The Remerge Theory works without the assumed operation of Copy, and is free from the problems of Copy Theory of movement. The paper also addresses how issues such as trace, reconstruction effects, and resumptive pronouns are dealt with in the Remerge Theory of movement.
Varieties of crossing dependencies: Structure dependence and mild context sensitivity
- Cognitive Science
, 2004
"... Four different kinds of grammars that can define crossing dependencies in human language are compared here: (i) context sensitive rewrite grammars with rules that depend on context; (ii) matching grammars with constraints that filter the generative structure of the language, (iii) copying grammars w ..."
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Cited by 7 (2 self)
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Four different kinds of grammars that can define crossing dependencies in human language are compared here: (i) context sensitive rewrite grammars with rules that depend on context; (ii) matching grammars with constraints that filter the generative structure of the language, (iii) copying grammars which can copy structures of unbounded size, and (iv) generating grammars in which crossing dependencies are generated from a finite lexical basis. Context sensitive rewrite grammars are syntactically, semantically and computationally unattractive. Generating grammars have a collection of nice properties that ensure they define only “mildly context sensitive” languages, and Joshi has proposed that human languages have those properties too. But for certain distinctive kinds of crossing dependencies in human languages, copying or matching analyses predominate. Some results relevant to the viability of mildly context sensitive analyses and some open questions are reviewed.
Focus and topic in VP-anaphora constructions
, 2000
"... This paper explores the information structure of VP-anaphora constructions in English, Spanish, and German. The goal is to provide an initial account of the syntactic and prosodic licensing mechanisms of VP-anaphora and to suggest some theoretical consequences for the syntactic representation of the ..."
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Cited by 7 (0 self)
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This paper explores the information structure of VP-anaphora constructions in English, Spanish, and German. The goal is to provide an initial account of the syntactic and prosodic licensing mechanisms of VP-anaphora and to suggest some theoretical consequences for the syntactic representation of the different types of focus and topic. Recent studies (e.g. Rooth 1992b; Tomioka 1995; Fox 1998) have proposed that the characteristic feature of VP-anaphora constructions is that they bear contrastive focus on the remaining subject. We argue against this claim by providing evidence from prosodic and syntactic investigations of the remaining elements. Our hypothesis is that presentational focus in VP-anaphora is realized on the negative/affirmative expression and that the remaining constituent is free to take various discourse functions depending on the context and the type of construction in which the VP-anaphora occurs. Our main empirical argument against the above claim comes from Spanish, where the remaining constituent can never be interpreted as a contrastive focus.
