H. Kamp and A. Rossdeutscher. DRS-construction and lexically driven inference. Theoretical Linguistics, 20:97--164, 1994.  Home/Search   Document Not in Database   Summary   Related Articles   Check

....come with the simple semantics of the above kind. adj sem . ERFOLGREICH : adj sem successful . KLEIN : adj sem small . Obviously there are still plenty of opportunities to elaborate the lexical semantics of this grammar, e.g. in the direction taken by Kamp and Rodeutscher [29] and [51] For the generator version of the grammar interpreter to work properly, the lexical semantics cannot be left underspecified. 88 adverb sem . GERN : adverb sem . WIEDER : adverb sem again . The semantics of complementizers is currently the EMPTY semantics. ....

Hans Kamp and Antje Rodeutscher. Remarks on lexical structure, DRS-construction and lexically driven inferences. Arbeitspapier 21, Sonderforschungsbereich 340, Institut fur Maschinelle Sprachverarbeitung, Stuttgart, Baden-Wurttemberg, 1992.

....Projection in DRT: A Critical Assessment 1 David Ian Beaver Stanford University 1. Introduction Recently a number of authors have made proposed treating presupposition within Kamp s DRT, in particular van der Sandt [vdS92] Kamp Rossdeutscher [KRo94], Rossdeutscher [Ros94] Saebo [Sa96] van der Sandt and Geurts [SG91] Geurts [Geu95, Geu95] Bos et al. [BBM95] Schielen [Sch95] Krahmer [Kra95] KvDms] Van der Sandt s model has been the most in uential of these, and other models either implicitly assume much of the same machinery, or ....

Kamp H. and A. Rossdeutscher, 1994. \DRS-Construction and Lexically Driven Inference", Theoretical Linguistics 20, pp. 165-235

....) y 2 maison(y 2 ) x 2 prof(x 2 ) louer1(x 2 ; y 2 ) 33) 4 We ignore the temporal relations among events for the sake of the brevity of the exposition. For much more detailed examples of lexical word sense and concept definitions, we refer the interested reader to Kamp Rodeutscher 1992 [8] from where we have taken the basic idea of the lexical semantics. 5 For a formal presentation of proof rules for DRS s see [6] 11 The configuration (33) reduces by the rule of Conditional Proof to the DRS (34) For the sake of brevity, the second disjunct of the goal has been omitted from the ....

Hans Kamp and Antje Rodeutscher. Remarks on lexical structure, DRS-construction and lexically driven inferences. Arbeitspapier 21, Sonderforschungsbereich 340, Institut fur Maschinelle Sprachverarbeitung, Stuttgart, Baden-Wurttemberg, 1992.

....placed on anaphoric pronouns and their antecedents in standard DRT. The treatment of 24 should illustrate. 40 Van der Sandt is not the only one to have provided an account of presupposition in DRT, but his is the most developed account of projection, and others, such as Kamp and Rossdeutscher s [KRo94, Ros94] (which is more detailed concerning the lexical source of presuppositions) are closely related. For details of DRT, the reader is referred to [Kam81, KRe93] and Chapter of this handbook. 24) Fred is escaping, but Mary doesn t realise that somebody is escaping. Initially a DRS like the ....

.... Thomason [Tho:MS] indicates that accommodation must take into account not only general world knowledge, but also reasoning about the communicative intentions of the speaker; Lorenz [Lor92] shows how world knowledge a#ects the behaviour of temporal presuppositions; and Kamp and Rossdeutscher [KRo94, Ros94] show in detail how inferencing mechanisms involved in processing presuppositional constructions must utilise a combination of lexical and world knowledge. Kay [Kay92] explains apparent projection from attitude contexts not as presupposition projection, but as conversational implicature. 65 ....

Kamp H. and A. Rossdeutscher, 1994. "DRS-Construction and Lexically Driven Inference", Theoretical Linguistics 20, pp. 165--235

....it is possible to mix accommodation and contextual identification if some part of the presupposition is already present in the context, whereas some other part has to be introduced during abductive reasoning. All these cases are subsumed by the general concept of presupposition justification by [Kamp and Ro deutscher, 1994, p. 208] Note that in the case of contextual identification (or presuppositional binding) different antecedent expessions can be selected, just as in [van der Sandt, 1992] All the basic empirical predictions mentioned in section 2 are therefore shared by our account. The unified mechanism of ....

Kamp, H. and Roßdeutscher, A. (1994). DRS - Construction and Lexically Driven Inference. Theoretical Linguistics, 20(2/3):165--235.

....paper is a single illustrative instance. I am grateful also for the recommendations of an anonymous referee, which I have found very helpful and with which I have tried to comply to the best of my ability. Thanks, finally, to Peter and Antje for seizing this opportunity to wean me (almost) of Word 5.1 and throw me into the deep end of LaTeX. 2 Semantics and Pragmatics of Discourse and Dialogue driving force behind dynamic theories of discourse semantics such as Discourse Representation Theory (DRT) and its extensions S(egmented) DRT and U(nderspecified) DRT. Our understanding of the ....

.... takes the form of exploiting as much of the information that is part of the context as given, while accommodating only those bits which are needed to make verification complete, and the importance of this fact for discourse interpretation, were first stressed explicitly in Kamp and Rodeutscher (5) The term presupposition justification was introduced in that paper as a cover term which subsumes (i) the cases of straightforward presupposition verification (including cases of anaphoric binding ,van der Sandt (11) ii) the cases of whole sale accommodation and (iii) the cases which can ....

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Kamp, H. and Rodeutscher, A. (1994). DRS-Construction and Lexically Driven Inference. Theoretical Linguistics, 20(2/3):165--235.

....also, even, still and many other discourse particles . A good example of the problems that arise in connection with computing, according to linguistically clean principles, the presuppositions generated by different occurrences of again is [Stechow 1996] 2 See [Kamp and Rodeutscher 1992][Kamp and Rodeutscher 1994]. 2 not lead to breakdown of the interpretation process automatically. For there often remains the possibility of accommodating the context so that it satisfies a failing presupposition after all. However and this is where we saw our views as diverging from the standard view the ....

....of (25) seems preferred and some people might perhaps want to argue that that is really its only reading. It appears that the relation between scope and surface position, for again and other presupposition triggers, has not yet been exhaustively investigated. As Rodeutscher and I noted in our [Kamp and Rodeutscher 1994], the surface positions of the German equivalent of again, the word wieder, tend to be much more determinative of its scope than they are for again (even if wieder too is subject to certain scope ambiguities) 24 An exact treatment of scope ambiguities like that of (25) involves questions of ....

Kamp, Hans, and Antje Rodeutscher. 1994. DRS-Construction and Lexically Driven Inference. Theoretical Linguistics 20: 165 -- 236.

....of the multifarious ways in which natural language refers to the attitudes and to their relations to each other and to the non mental. A second application area is the theory of verbal communication. There have been several hints of such a theory in earlier publications (See e.g. Kamp, 1983 ] Kamp, 1990 ] Kamp,1992] though a more fully worked out account is still missing. The idea common to the existing hints is to (i) expand the attitude theory we have sketched above into an account of how belief and other attitudinal states are modified through the processing of natural language input, ....

....to justify the presupposition triggered by again which gives rise to the inference. We conclude this section on presupposition by reconstructing this inferential process. To this end we present a DR theoretical treatment of (67) which combines the insights of Van Der Sandt with proposals made in [ Kamp and Ro deutscher, 1994a ] about again. To make the connections with extant DRT transparent, we use the syntax and syntaxsemantics interface of [ Kamp and Reyle, 1993 ] 19 The DRS construction proposed in [ Kamp and Reyle, 1993 ] for a future tense conditional like (67) begins with the introduction of a conditional ....

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Kamp, H. and Roß deutscher, A. 1994a. Drs-construction and lexically driven inferences. to appear in: (ed) H. Schnelle, Lexical Semantics.

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H. Kamp and A. Rossdeutscher. DRS-construction and lexically driven inference. Theoretical Linguistics, 20:97--164, 1994.

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Kamp H. and A. Rossdeutscher, 1994. "DRS-Construction and Lexically Driven Inference ", Theoretical Linguistics 20, pp. 165--235

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