Fox, Danny & Uli Sauerland (1997). Illusive Scope of Universal Quantifiers. In Gabriela Matos, Matilde Miguel, Ins Duarte & Isabel Faria (eds.). Interfaces in Linguistic Theory. Edies Colibri/Associao Portuguesa de Lingustica, Lisbon, 149-176. Home/Search Document Details and Download
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Modals, Raising And A-Reconstruction - Wurmbrand, Bobaljik (1999) (Correct)
....quantifiers (each. vs. every) differ in ease of getting certain interpretations. There is a healthy literature seeking arguing that there are independent reasons why indefinites can appear to scope higher than QR would allow; see Reinhart 1997x, for an overview and a specific proposal. See also Fox Sauerland 1997 on one set of extra wide scope universals. For our purposes, the most important thing is: Lebeaux 1995, see section 3.3) AA RR ee cc oo nnss t t rru u cc t t iioo nn : RR aa ii ss iinngg CC oo rrrree ll aa ....
....failed every exam. JDB s judgement) A context which makes this rather felicitous is, e.g. a report on an exit poll outside the building where examinations are taking place. This may have to do with environments for (apparent) long QR , which have to do with tense and event quantification. See Fox and Sauerland 1997. Susi Wurmbrand Jonathan David Bobaljik 18 The surface scope in these sentences is odd, given world knowledge: it would be strange to expect that one particular soldier (Soldier Schwejk) will die in every battle. Pragmatics thus strongly favours the non overt reading, in which the soldier ....
Fox, Danny & Uli Sauerland (1997). Illusive Scope of Universal Quantifiers. In Gabriela Matos, Matilde Miguel, Ins Duarte & Isabel Faria (eds.). Interfaces in Linguistic Theory. Edies Colibri/Associao Portuguesa de Lingustica, Lisbon, 149-176.
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